The Uyghurs of Urumqi: A People Defiant

A few months ago I wrote a post called “Friends of the Uyghurs” where I talk about my experience with the ethnic minority in Western China. In light of the current riots in XinJiang AND the world coverage by the press (good job press, for once), I have had several people emailing me and asking me what I think. As I have friends who are both Han and Uyghur, it is a sad thing to hear about. As I read the press coverage, I am discourage by what I percieve to be a very filtered version of the events and motivations. If you read this, you might learn a little more about the Uyghur plight and the likely realities of what is going on today.

I wrote this ethnography in the Spring of 2002, when Wyatt and I were living in China. I thought I had the final paper, but could only find a copy of a rough draft. As such, in my draft there are places where the paper breaks down into outlines, and places where the stories just trail off. As it is here, I tried to incorporate my hand-scribbled notes and fixed the technical aspects as I noticed them. I omitted the places where my paper breaks into outlines. I don’t have time to go back and re-research what I intended to talk about. So you get the slimmed down version. You will also be able to tell where my “scholastic voice” breaks into a more musing or brainstorming voice.

As for the technical aspects: my citations are deplorable; my writing needs a lot of proofing. I assume (perhaps I’m overly hopeful?) that I got it all cleaned up before I turned it in to my Professor. Here I did not fix my citations, although along with my draft I did find copies of my sources. If you are so inclined (like me – I don’t believe it unless you have a source) I will email you or send you a copy of the sources. I will also say that my experience in researching this paper was hands down the most difficult I ever encountered. As I did my research in China, it was mainly limited to internet research. As the internet is filtered in China, I always felt I was only getting half the story. Also, my professors who were back in the states (Asia Studies professors mind you) had never even heard of the Uyghur people. This left me with the feeling of walking a tight rope with no net beneath. If my evaluations were obscure or illegitimate, who would tell me so? I did the best I could.

Through out history man has dealt with the injustice inflicted upon him by other men. From the ancient days of Israel to contemporary battles throughout the earth, individual cultures have fought each other for the right to exist, be recognized, and if possible, appreciated. One specific example of modern times is the Uyghur people of the XinJiang province in the far reaches of Western China. Their struggle with the Han for political, economic and cultural dominance of their homeland in the XinJiang Province dates back two millenia. It is an effort not only to maintain their heritage, but to reclaim it. As with any struggle, there is opposition that for today’s Uyghurs is found under the umbrella of China’s communistic rule of the region. The Uyghurs navigate through this daily ordeal and have a sub-cultural defiance that enables them to maintain their identity as an ethnic group and hopefully one day reclaim their sovereignty over the land they believe to be historically their own.

Critics believe that the Chinese have influenced the Uyghur tradition for good by bringing them a better standard of living (food, jobs, an economy, etc.). The Han Chinese have expressed their own dissatisfaction in the reaction to their efforsts of a better life for the Uyghurs. Although economically valid, this point fails to recognize the true reason for animosity. It is not simply enough to improve someone’s life – one must appreciate someone’s life (traditions, culture & heritage) in order to live harmoniously one with another. Often times it is the intangible feelings of cultural self esteem based on recognition and appreciation (or lack thereof) that directs the tangible efforts of a people defiant of another.

BACKGROUND

METHODS

The objective of this work was to study the life and culture of the modern day Uyghur living in Urumqi, the capital of the XinJiang provice, China. The goal was to discover the mentality or emotion common to the people as a whole Is there a common way of thinking about the Uyghur history and situation in XinJiang? How do the people fell about their status quo? Is there animosity and fractions among themselves in their Uyghur identity? What is the common denominator that binds an ethnicity/nationless people together? (Americans are bound under the framework of a constitution and a history of an “American Dream.” We have land, recognition, and a framework. How do the Uyghurs maintain themselves as a people without these elements for so long? What binds them together is their common subjected status as second class-citizens. As the Bedouin say: ‘Me against my brother, we against all). How do they cope with the daily descrimination and subjection by the Han Chinese? What do they hope for as a people?

To find answers to these questions, I used open-ended interviews, semi-structured interviews, and participant observation. The term participant observation generally denotes the idea that one speaks the language of those one is observing. On this point I must concede, my language ablilities were rudimentary at best. I spoke no Uyghur before coming to the XinJiang province, and my language included only what I learned during my semester living there. However, I was befriended by several Uyghur people and invited to their homes and into their lives and was able to observe the more subtle aspects of life not seen by “the tourist.” (I did not present myself as an ethnographer, but rather I allowed a genuine freiendship to unfold, thus their actions were not biased to present a favorable impression to the ethnographer). From these friendships I used the Uyghur “networking” system, and was able to contact a wide demographic of Uyghur residents with an element of trust.

All levels of Uyghur life throughout the province can be found in this melting pot of sorts, making it an ideal location to study their culture. All degrees of education, wealth, and status converge on this capital city from all regions of the province. From the beggar to the businessman, the Uyghurs have a brotherhood among them that surpasses the class distinction. Surviving as a people requires overlooking petty differences and class distinctions.

HISTORY

It would be impossible to discuss the Uyghur people without first giving a brief history of the province and the people that have lived there.

In this paper I use the term “Uyghur” rather broadly as the descendants of Turkic nomads who settled the region about 6000 years ago, and the people and cultures who claim that descent. However, the term has had different meanings through history, first refering to the Turkic nomads in Mongolia (744 – 840 AD) then the sedentary Buddhists of the Turpan area in XinJiang (844-932 AD) and later the elite Turkic Buddists in Turpan, when the area was known as “Uyghurstan” (932-1450 AD). The term disappeared all together from about 1450 – 1935, when the Chinese ressurected it and designated its meaning to the Muslims of XinJiang’s Tarin Basin (The Uyghur).

In light of this it is interesting to note that the Uyghurs history by the Uyghurs seems to be mixed with a fair share of lore. For example, several informants told me that “Uyghurstan” had existed as a country in XinJiang just prior to the migration and percievable take over of the area in 1948. According to Chinese history (and all written sources I found), XinJiang has been under modern Chinese rule since 1884 (History). In any case Uyghurs under any term maintain a strong sense of cultural identity and history.

The first contact made between the Uyghur people and the Han Chinese came during the Han Dynasty (206 BC – AD 220) when a diplomatic mission was sent in 138 BC. Within the next 50 years diplomatic ties were established between the Han and Persian Empires, and the Chinese military movement into central Asia provided the ability for people to pass safely between the two empires. This led to the establishment of the most famous trade route – the Silk Road. (Soviets in XinJiang). Since that time there has been a back and forth power struggle between the Chinese and Uyghur people. While past motivation for Uyghur cultural development was simply physical survival, today’s motivation is for the survival of their culture and heritage. The Uyghurs were able to profit and dominate these trade routes by providing goods and services such as horses and guides through the region (The Uyghur).

ECONOMICS

Economics is one of the decisive ways a culture can dominate another. Buying power can determine who has access to other social rights and priveledges. In this way economics has been a key to the struggle between the Han and the Uyghur. Basic Communist economic theory as based on Marx Manifesto subscribes a “communist” party as encompassing the entire proletariate. This theory has been adapted and changed in the history of the Communist Party (ironically to align with Marx evaluation of capitalism). Today the average Chinese rural citizen (which comprises of approximately 69% of China’s population) earns $756 USD / year. Urban Uyghurs (some of whom had immediate family living in rural areas), told me that the average Uyghur farmer earns only 100 Yuan / year ($12.50 USD). Startled by this answer, I asked again to clarify. My informant explained that many Uyhghurs live off of subsistence farming and trading of home-made goods. This is teh reason, my informant explained, that many leave the land to become merchants. Whether or not this figure is accurate or not, it reflects the drastic difference perceived between the Han and Uyghur, and merchant and peasant.

SOCIAL NETWORKS

The family is central to the Uyghur culture. The family is where tradition and heritage is taught, where economic stability or instability is found, where loyalties and enemies are made, and where Uyghurs see their greatest strength in their stuffgle for recognition and independance.

Because the family is so important to the Uyghurs, the wome often marry young. Weddings are great celebrations with traditional dancing and feasting. Marriage is an important decision in the life of any Uyghur, but especially the woman. Her marriage is her main economic hope for her future. Because of this there are occassions when Uyghur girls marry Han Chinese men. The Han may have better economic and social ties to secure a good future for the woman and her children.

But this is not the common case. Generally marriage is maintained within the ethnicity or at least within the Muslim faith. Marriage adds to a person’s personal network or kin, friends and acquiantances that may be called upon for money or favors in times of need. By marrying within the ethnicity the web of social responsibility to each other broadens, strengthening the cause and ideals for which the Uyghur fight.

Children are very important to the Uyghurs. They are watched with a careful and loving eye by the women, and played with and doted on by the men. It is the mother and women who clean and care for the child, watching to see he doesn’t run to far off or get into too much trouble. The fathers and male figures around the child play with him affectionately, giving hugs and kisses and carrying the child. Men are unreserved in their public affection for young children (not even necessarily their own), holding them and kissing them on the face and lips. If the child is a girl, he will be gentle in his actions. But if the child is a boy, they often will swat the child or gently kick it, followed by a kiss or hug. This produces frustration in the child, but helps him “become a man.”

Children hold more than joy for the family, they hold political meaning for the ethnicity. They are important to the Uyghur political struggle. Today, one major concern is the tw0-child policy for they Uyghurs by the Han Chinese. As one informant worried about the future of the culture and ethnic group, he commented that with the continual migration of the Han to XinJiang, and the two child policy of the already minority Uyghurs, that in fifty years the ethnicity will cease to exist altogether. This fear has even become a threat as Uyghurs are having forced abortions of their children, and involuntary sterilization (Coercive Population Control in China). The Uyghurs look to their children to continue in the struggle to gain independance. With out the children they wonder what will become of their traditions and culture.

Economic factors elevate the value of children as well. They can help in the family work or add to the family income through outside employment. Most Uyghurs send theri children to public schools when they are old enough. But many children either choose or are obliged by their circumstances to quit school when they are old enough to work. Such was the case of the “bag girls” at the market – eight or nine girls ranging in age from eight to thirteen who sold heavy plastic bags in the aisles of the market.

At the market almost all shopkeepers employed the aid of family members (spouses, siblings and children when they were old enough). All are expected to help out and contribute to their income as a whole. Even family members who lived outside the city would help as they could. For example, Raxida, the wife of a shopkeeper in the market is the mother of two small children. Her first born, now three years old, is old enough to be in school. Her socond is not yet old enough. She was sent to live with her grandmother in Wulja so that Raxida would be free to work at the shop during the day. This was not a choice of luxury or career, but a decision of necessity, and in such necessity Raxida was able to turn to family for help.

FRIENDS AND ACQUAINTANCES

From familial networks come friends and aquiantances. When one marries into a family, the friends and aquaintances of that family become your own (for example, the friend of a brother-in-law lent his car to friend of ours to give us a ride home). This again adds to the importance of family, but also has an important element in it’s own right. In the market shopkeepers befriend and watch out for each other. The trust gained is so implicit as to leave their shops still open to run errands, leaving hte care fo their shop and the sale of goods to passers-by to shop keepers next door or near by.

Friendship, whether expressed or simply understood through the Uyghur heritage, is one way clear signs of defiance to the Han are expressed. On one particular afternoon my husband and I went to lunch with a few of our Uyghur friends. They were taking us to lunch, and as their guests, we were obliged to follow their lead in our maneuvers of the city. We walked to a bus stop and then waited while several buses passed us by. We did not get on any of the these (though they all stopped for us), but instead waited until one with a Uyghur driver came along. We then climbed on, and when attempting to pay, our friend waved to us “no.” We assumed this was an act of hospitality, but then observed that he did not pay as well. Even further, he and his friend stood at the front and collected money from the Han as they boarded the bus, and pocketed the money themselves. In this they, as well as the Uyghur bus driver who was aware of the two, and who was an employee of the government, were willing to rob the city and defy the dominanace of the Han.

FRICTION POINTS

Islam was first introduced to the XinJiang area in 713 AD when Arab armies sacked Kashgar (Soviets). Over the next three hundred years it was spread thorughout the region, and in 934 most Uyghurs accepted Islam with their ruler, Abdulkerim Satuk Bughra Khan. Today Islam is one steryotypical feature of the Uyghurs.  Though not all still adhere to its creeds, Islam is one stanch distinction between the Han and Uyghur.

The political regime of China has “attempted to supress much of the popular religion (Jankowiak, 259)” of China, and its socialist ideals do not mesh easily with a people who refuse to give up their faith. Because of this, religion continues to be a sore point.

The Han discourage participation in Islamic faith through social and economic pressures. Any state employee who attends mosque or a religious school, or has children who do so, will be fired. Students who attend mosque run the risk of being expelled (Testimony).

Still Islam is a dominant presence manifested in the Moon-capped spires and onion domed rooftops that silhouette the city skyline.

In Urumqi the religion is not as strong among the youth (Turgulon). They are exposed to Western ideas and Communist dissuasions of the faith. In contrast, the rising generation of the rural areas and smaller cities such as Kashgar are strong in their faith-attending Mosques and following the the prescription of an Islamic life.

Interaction with the Uyghurs reveals that religion is not so much a zealous faith in the doctrines and commandments of Islam, but rather a common denominator amongst the poeple that sets them apart for the Han. In one Mosque I visited I was approached by a Uyghur Muslim who immeadiately wanted to discuss politics and injustices between the Uyghurs and Han.

It is at this point that my rough draft ends. Clearly I am missing pages. It has been eight years since I wrote this paper, and off the top of my head I can think of two or three more friction points to discuss: language, economic equality, and basic human rights issues. I remember well a conversation I had with Ibram, and English speaking shopkeeper in the market, when were were still relatively new to our China experience. This is NOT the conversation referred to above at the mosque, but took place with someone I got to know quite well over the ensuing months. Ibram told me the Uyghurs were hoping for and excited when George W. Bush was elected the American President (this was in early 2002), because they viewed the Republican party as being more sympathetic to human rights abuses and more willing to “do something about it.” But then with September 11th, the Uyghurs were very apprehensive, as they knew the Chinese government would try to spin their religious ties and quests for independence as “Terrorism” and be able to hold America’s aide at bay with such language. Indeed, President Bush did prove (in my mind) to allow terrorism rhetoric and even USE that rhetoric as a tool to push an agenda not necessarily legitimate . . . but thats a discussion for all my Middle East papers. Do you really want to read those? No? I thought not.